| MCPX The following   is the hard-hitting speech by former law minister Zaid Ibrahim at the Royal   Rotary Club of Kuala Lumpur   today.
 comment This is the second time I have been invited to address a   Rotary Club. Thank you for the honour. Given the times we live in, perhaps it   might be appropriate for me to speak about the leadership transition that has   been foisted upon us Malaysians.
 
 I say ‘foisted’ because neither me nor   anyone in this room had any role or say in the choice of the person who will   lead Malaysia   next. We were mere bystanders in a political chess game. And yet the   transition is a subject of great consequence to the nation, one I would say   is of great national interest.
 
 Leadership is definitive; the individual who assumes the mantle of leadership   of this nation, whomever that may be, is one who for better or worse will   leave his mark on us. His will be the hand who guides us to greater success,   or possibly gut-wrenching disaster.
 
 Save for the dawn of Merdeka, never in the history of this country has the   choice of prime minister been so crucial: Malaysia is in crisis. We are   facing tremendous economic challenges with unavoidably harsh socio-political   consequences. Our much undermined democracy is once again being assailed by   those who would prefer a more autocratic form of governance.
 
 Our public institutions are hollowed out caricatures, unable to distinguish   vested party interests from national ones, unable to offer the man in the   street refuge from the powerful and connected.
 Our social fabric that took us from colony to an independent nation and on   through the obstacles of nation building has reached a point where it   sometimes feel like we are hanging on by a thread. This is the Malaysia   we live in.
 
 PM’s   resignation ill-fated
 
 This is the Malaysia   which Abdullah Ahmad Badawi leaves behind. Our prime minister will resign   later this month - an ill-fated decision. I say ill-fated not because he has   been a great prime minister and we would lose irreplaceable leadership, that   is regrettably not the case as all things said and done, Abdullah could have   done much more for Malaysia.
 
 Rather, I say that his resignation is ill-fated because his departure will   expose the country to forces which may take us down the road of perdition   faster than ever. Much has been said of Pak Lah being a weak leader. However,   what his critics have not adequately addressed are the consequences of   replacing him as prime minister with the anticipated incoming president of   Umno, Najib (Abdul) Razak.
 
 It is an undeniable truth that the average Malaysian is anxious about the   anticipated transition. Many would prefer it did not happen.
 
 
  There are two reasons why this is so. The first has to   do with the reasoning underlying Umno's demand for the transition itself. The   second has to do with Najib personally. 
 We must recall that after the 2008 general election - a great success for the   nation but a fiasco for Umno – one of the chief complaints by the   powers-that-be within Umno was that Abdullah’s feeble leadership led to   the concept of Ketuanan Melayu   being challenged and ultimately undermined.
 
 His critics also lashed out at him for the latitude given to civil society, a   move which they believed weakened a key aspect of Umno's political leverage.   It followed in Umno's mind that in order to regain lost ground, it was   necessary to reassert its ideology with greater strength.
 
 There was nostalgia for Mahathir's heavy-handed style of leadership and a   return to the times when the party cowed many into subservience and   submission.The conservatives in Umno yearned for a return to Mahathirism,   hoping that it would become a cornerstone of the leadership transition plan.   There has been much speculation and punditry on whether a return to the   Mahathir era would be good for Malaysia.
 
 Difference between then and now
 
 Let me offer some of my own insight to this debate. The major difference   between then and now is this: in most instances, Mahathir was harsh and   dictatorial if he believed it was good for the country. But an authoritarian   style of government under anyone else would be dictated by the need for self   preservation and very little about the country’s interest.
 
 The evidence is all around us. After March 8, (2008) when the prime minister   ceased being the home minister, the threats of reprisal have escalated and a   climate of fear re-cultivated. The detention of Raja Petra Kamarudin, Teresa   Kok and Tan Hoong Cheng exemplify this turn for the worse, this appetite to   use the sledgehammer.
 
 The shameful power grab in Perak and wanton disregard for public opinion over   how BN wrested control of the silver state make many people shudder at the   prospect of a return to the dark days. If that was not depressing enough, we   have had to bear witness to the police and the newly-minted Malaysian   Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) displaying their allegiance and support to   the BN when all we needed and craved for were honest brokers.
 
 It stands to reason that in the mind of the average Malaysian, having   suffered a significant loss last March, Umno is on a rampage to regain what   it lost by any method available and the man who is expected to lead it to   victory is the man who succeeds Abdullah: Najib (Abdul) Razak.
 
 A prime minister must have the confidence of the majority of the rakyat. In order for this to be the   case, his integrity must be beyond question; not only must he be such a   person character, he must be seen to be such a person. The office of prime   minister is one of great trust, he who holds that office cradles the nation   in his palms.
 
 For this to be the case, there cannot be anything in the mind of the greater   public that, correctly or otherwise, associates him with matters of   criminality, wrongful action, improper conduct or abuses of power. In short,   he must be beyond reproach in his dealings both official and private.
 
 Without intending any accusation, it is regrettable that in the collective   mind of the rakyat, Najib is   not such a person. If a referendum were to be conducted on the subject or if   the prime minister was to be elected directly by the rakyat, I do not think Najib would   succeed. The reason for this is obvious: the rakyat   has doubts, fuelled by the unanswered allegations against him and his   unwillingness to confront these allegations.
 
 It is not a mere trifle in the minds of the   rakyat that despite a direct challenge from a member of parliament   in the august House recently, the deputy prime minister remained silent, not   even denying the implicit accusation made against him and demanding that it   be repeated outside the chamber in the tried and tested method of refutation   employed by parliamentarians throughout the world.
 
 It has not assisted the cause of the incoming prime minister that the MP   concerned was suspended for a year on a motion tabled by a fellow minister   without the member having been afforded an opportunity to defend his   position.
 
 Evidence   of SMS text-messages
 
 Consider this. Commissions were paid to an agent for the procurement of   submarines through the Defence Ministry, Najib (then) being the defence   minister. It is unthinkable that he had no knowledge that the agent was his   adviser and aide, Abdul Razak Baginda. The commission paid out was   exceedingly large, in excess of RM400 million.
 
 The defence minister was dutybound to direct enquiries to see if there had   been any impropriety in the way the contracts were awarded when news of the   commission surfaced; after all the price of the submarines would be   considerably lower without the need for such commissions.
 
 Taxpayers, you and I, have paid for those submarines at a price that in all   probability factored in the commission. Taxpayers are yet to be told of an   inquiry let alone the result of such an inquiry.
 Consider the Altantuya Shaariibuu affair. A young woman was brutally   murdered, her corpse destroyed by explosives.
 
 These explosives are not the usual type of explosives, yet no inquiry was   held to determine how they were available to these killers. Those accused of   her murder are police officers serving in the Unit Tindakan Khas, a highly   specialised unit who amongst other things serve as bodyguards to the prime   minister and the deputy prime minister.
 
 Amidst evidence that the accused were employed to protect the PM and the DPM,   they were directed to (Abdul) Razak Baginda through the aide of the deputy   prime minister. Amongst other things, we have heard of the senior   investigating officer admitting that the deputy prime minister was an   important witness and yet no statement was taken.
 
 It is not unreasonable to think that this is irregular, more so when evidence   of SMS text-messages from the deputy prime minister concerning material   matters have surfaced. The text-messages cannot be ignored, proverbially   swept under the carpet.
 
 Even if they do not establish - or are not capable of establishing - any   culpability on the part of Najib, these issues must be addressed.
 
 The air must be cleared, it is thick with accusations and doubts which can   only undermine the office of the prime minister if he were to assume it. The   deputy prime minister's cause has not been aided by the fact that charges were   preferred against (Abdul) Razak Baginda only after public outcry, the manner   in which the prosecution was conducted and the decision of the High Court   acquitting (Abdul) Razak Baginda not having been appealed.
 
 Power   grab an unmitigated disaster
 
 The Perak affair was an unmitigated disaster for the nation. It is no secret   that Najib led the charge there and is still overseeing matters.
 
 In the minds of Malaysians, Perak is synonymous with the deputy prime   minister. They now equate him with the high-handed tactics that were employed   to seize power, tactics that included the disappearances of the three crucial   assemblypersons and the blockading of the legislative assembly by the police.
 
 In doing so, they equate the DPM with the hijacking of democracy, the only   persons saying otherwise being those persons who have associations with Umno.   In their minds, no responsible leader would allow for the undermining of the   institutions of state and the constitution of this nation.
 
 They ask, rightly so, whether this is the kind of leadership that Malaysians   can expect from Najib when he becomes the prime minister.
 
 With all of this, and more, how are we not to feel anxious? How are we to   sleep peacefully at night? I know that I cannot. The situation is desperate   and the air is pregnant with tension. We need the state of affairs to be   resolved in a way that is in the best interests of the nation and the rakyat.
 
 To an extent, this is a matter for the Barisan Nasional. I urge its members   to put politics aside and think things through. We all want a better future,   a safer and more prosperous life for our children, all of them, a Malaysia   where our children can reach for the stars with the certainty that there is   nothing to stop them from being the Malaysians they want to be.
 
 Let   the king be kingmaker
 
 I do not believe that the Barisan Nasional will do what is necessary.   Politics has a tendency of making those who embrace it cynical. The answer   lies elsewhere, with His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.
 
 In this case, His Majesty plays the role of ‘kingmaker’. The   discretion to appoint the prime minister who succeeds Abdullah lies with His   Majesty. Though His Majesty is required under the constitution to appoint the   person who commands the confidence of the majority of the members of   parliament, it is a matter for His Majesty's judgment.
 Never before has such a heavy burden being laid on His Majesty to make a   brave and correct choice.
 
 For King and country, I urge His Majesty to take into consideration the   prerequisites to appointment and the concerns of the rakyat. There is no constitutional   obligation on His Majesty to appoint the president of Umno as the prime   minister. There are still well qualified members of parliament from Umno who   can be appointed PM to bring us back from the brink.
 
 Malaysia   needs someone who the rakyat can   throw their weight behind without reservation. Someone they can trust and   respect. Someone who has no scandal to distract him and thereby gain respect   from the international community.
 
 These are difficult times and be prepared for worst times to visit us. Malaysia   needs a leader who will unite the country in the face of the adversity.   Divided, we are weak. I am loath to say it, but for the reasons I have set   out am compelled to say that Najib will most certainly divide us and in doing   so, will nudge us closer to the edge.
 
 Some of you may say that all efforts to promote the national interest are at   this stage an exercise in futility. If truth be told, I am tempted to slip   into cynical hopelessness too. I am fighting the temptation to give up for   one simple reason: Malaysia   and all that it represents. This is a blessed country, a country too valuable   for us to turn our backs on.
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